For the political and economic regime, not only in Greece but also internationally, the arrest of a revolutionary with the political calibre of Nikos Maziotis is a “significant success”, as stated by the United States. That’s because the comrade’s arrest is perceived by our enemies as a blow to the struggle for the establishment’s subversion, as a blow to the struggle for liberation from the yoke of capitalism and the State, as a blow to the struggle for social Revolution. The size of threat that Maziotis poses to the establishment is reflected in the high-pitched nauseating rejoicing on the part of the domestic and foreign political power. Because the comrade and the Revolutionary Struggle, the organization in which he belongs, are intrinsically linked to the systemic political destabilization, to the undermining of a rotten regime; linked to the consistent war against domination and contemporary barbarity; linked to the struggle for the overthrow of the State and capitalism, linked to the social Revolution itself. Comrade Nikos Maziotis was and continues to be committed to the Revolution. This is what he has fought for, this is what he still fights for; this is why they present him as No 1 danger to the establishment. Thus, the political gravity of this case should be the primary parameter in expressing solidarity with the comrade.

Currently, Maziotis is a prisoner of social and class war. It’s not fair that he is in prison. It would only be fair if he was free, fighting for social Revolution. It would only be fair if those who are responsible for the plight of the Greek people, those who voted for and implement the memoranda, were shackled instead of him and they stood people’s trials; the economic elite, the rich who suck the blood of proletarians, the political elite and their servants. It would be fair if Samaras, Venizelos, Papandreou, Papademos and their criminal organizations, the Troikans and the leaders of the European Union, were shackled in chains. The domestic and foreign bosses, for the economic interests of whom the land and the people who live in it are being ravaged. These are the real terrorists and robbers. These are the ruthless criminals and brutal murderers.

The cheering about the arrest was accompanied by the anticipated attacks of state propaganda, reproduced and largely created by the mouthpieces of Power, the mass media. Attacks that tried to stain the comrade’s revolutionary character and used the shootout in the area of Monastiraki as their banner, in which the comrade is portrayed as “unscrupulous gunslinger” who opens fire indiscriminately, while the cops “are striving to neutralize him” without the use of firearms. The cops supposedly fired a single bullet, and this was merely done to “neutralize” the comrade. How nauseating liars and hypocrites are they, both the state mechanisms and the kneelers who bow down to the regime in the news bulletins! “He was shooting amid the crowd.” Who chose the place for this battle? Who started the manhunt? Or, should Maziotis have dropped the weapon and surrender without a fight?

The cops consciously opted to conduct an armed clash in a crowded place. The comrade was obliged to defend himself. After they made one of the injured tourists, who stated he was shot by a cop, disappear from publicity as soon as possible, they declared again and again in the mainstream media that they fired only one bullet, while the comrade fired eight bullets. But upon mere suspicion that the man they were chasing may turn out to be Maziotis, they would open fire even with automatic machine guns not to let him get away. Because the stakes for them were of great political importance, and they didn’t care one bit if their operation was taking place among dozens of people, nor did it matter to them if some bystander would get killed. Besides, if that happened, they would blame the comrade for it. Who could ever refute them?

As for the ridiculous claims that they had supposedly tracked him down a few days ago, these were said in the context of state propaganda, not to admit that this was a purely random incident. And this is something that can also be seen in their contradictory reports. First, they claim that the comrade was recognized by a secret policewoman shortly before the shootout. Then, they claim that a former secret policeman had recognized him days before at a metro station. If it were true that they had tracked him down the previous days, they would have arrested us. A female snitch and a moment of bad luck gave way to the manhunt. But, again, they could not admit that the police chase started randomly. All of the propaganda about locating him beforehand was generated to publicly assert that the repressive mechanisms, and especially the “antiterrorist” force, are productive and effective. But this is too far from reality. In the whole previous period, we were continuously among them. We were moving everywhere. We were passing by them. We watched them, but they did not see us.

Since the arrest of my companion, I have become “No 1 most-wanted fugitive”; I and my child, about whom the regime’s men of straw in the mass media “inform” with excessive vulgarity, disclosing a lot of his personal data, and with a nauseating hypocrisy they simultaneously reward the prosecution mechanisms for their “sensitivity” not to release the child’s photograph to the public. From now on, the cops are going to sweep the country to find the child based on any clues that they might have. Other than that, my son is not wanted by authorities… And as one disgraceful police-minded journalist stated in the past, they were hoping to catch us through the child. Now, through the child, they wish to capture me.

They have my comrade heavily wounded in their hands. Their vindictiveness was something expected. To them it is not enough that they have Maziotis with an arm crushed by a bullet and in serious health condition; so, despite the fact that the necessity for close medical supervision and more surgeries was made public, they enforced his vindictive transfer to a prison known to not have doctors even for the most basic medical needs of prisoners. No doubt that, because of this transfer alone, his condition has deteriorated. I know firsthand what kind of prison transfers are imposed on armed combatants. When I was forced to be moved to another prison while I was pregnant, I ended up in hospital bleeding, and I was forced to stay bedridden to avoid having a miscarriage. It is obvious that they are afraid. They have the comrade in their hands with his arm crushed, and yet they are still afraid.

In what has to do with me: really, did they expect and still anticipate that I’m going to give myself up? I’m not going to do them this favor. Let them come and get me. In reality, my persecutors do not believe that I would do such a thing. That’s why they raided and searched the home of my family, interrogated my mother and sister looking for any clues, but in vain. Their statements in the media, that I find myself in a difficult position and it’s possible that I will hand myself in to authorities, are nothing more than an ultimate effort to inflict pressure. My persecutors know me. They got to know me on April 10th, 2010, when I was pregnant in their hands, and despite their ridiculous attempts to terrorize me, I didn’t even tell them my name; all they received from me was spitting. They are aware of my political stance during imprisonment, they know what political stance I maintained during the entire trial process. I was, I am and I will be a member of the Revolutionary Struggle. If they think they can bend me, they are grossly mistaken.

The arrest of our comrade was a blow. Our comrade Lambros Foundas shed his blood in the alleys of Dafni, and Nikos Maziotis in Monastiraki. The Revolutionary Struggle has given its blood for the cause of social Revolution. But our enemies will not have the last word.

There is still open ground for the Revolutionary Struggle. The social ground is ours, not theirs. For our enemies it is a hostile, wild ground which they can control only with violence. Every day the State and the Capital plunder, terrorize, murder, and exterminate in their attempt to save the establishment. In the name of “tearing out of the system all the rot” they hack to death millions of people that are considered superfluous for the reproduction of capitalism. At the same time, they bombard the society with stupid stories of “economic recovery” and “a way out of the country from the tunnel of crisis”; stories that make the poor, the hungry, the ragged in this country burst into laughter and indignation.

On the 16th of July a battle took place in Monastiraki. An unequal battle between a revolutionary and tens of armed dogs of the State. An unequal battle, just as the struggle for Revolution is unequal in this historical period. A struggle between few revolutionaries and an apparatus that is armed to the teeth and very large in numbers. It’s just that this struggle, the revolutionary struggle, is not a numerical question. It is a matter of soul. It is a matter of believing in revolutionary justness. A matter of believing in the Revolution. Of combating a murderous system, criminal by its very nature, reproduced through exploitation, oppression, and even the physical extermination of people. A system reproduced by violence. The violence of economic policy, the violence exercised by the economic and political elite to keep the rotten capitalist system alive, to ensure their interests, and to continue to dominate. Every single one of us experience the results of this violence over the last four years that the country has been in the throes of crisis, with millions of unemployed and casual workers, with poverty wages, with the transformation of work in slave trade, with the worst conditions of wage slavery ever experienced by people in this country. We have seen and continue to see the results of this murderous violence in people’s hunger, malnutrition of children, starvations, sicknesses, deaths, and the ever increasing suicides. We see these results in dumpsters where humans-mice, with their dignity crushed, are diving for a piece of bread. This “concealed” violence of the system, amid a systemic crisis, has now become a weapon of mass destruction.

It is absolutely fair to fight injustice; to combat a system that is imprisoning, beating, killing second-class people, whether these are resisters, strikers and demonstrators or wretched migrants, with the raw violence of repressive mechanisms so as to consolidate the order. A system that is establishing “maximum security” dungeons with the primary purpose of annihilating the armed combatants politically, morally, psychologically, even physically, of crushing the willingness to wage an armed revolutionary struggle. A system served by a justice which requires the legitimization of all kinds of state violence (e.g. the case on the wreck in Farmakonisi, where Coast Guard officers were responsible for drowning migrants, is filed), but also the racist violence against wretched workers (e.g. strawberry producers and their foremen were acquitted for the murderous assault on migrant farm workers in Manolada). Moreover, internationally, in the name of consolidating the New World Order through wars against “terrorism”, the slaughter of an entire people in Palestine is being legitimized.

Revolutionary struggle is a matter of believing in the need of combating oppressors; of returning to the real criminals, the real terrorists and murderers who make up the system, a percentage of the violence which is perpetrated by them. Because only with armed revolutionary action they will be able to understand that they won’t stay forever untouched.

Most of all, revolutionary struggle is a matter of deep and unyielding belief in revolutionary justness, the righteousness of abolishing every form of exploitation and repression, and destroying the State and capitalism. The fairness of a society of economic equality, without rich and poor, without masters and slaves. The fairness of a society of truly free people.

In the period that the Revolutionary Struggle has been active, since 2003 to date, it has waged a forceful armed struggle against all forms of violence of the establishment which were mentioned above. Ministries, courts, police forces, banks, the stock exchange building, the American embassy, the Bank of Greece were targeted by the organization. Acting consistently, the Revolutionary Struggle has given significant responses to state violence, the violence of the economic and political elite, the violence of the establishment’s justice, and has written significant pages in the revolutionary history of this land, but also at international level.

The Revolutionary Struggle acted and spoke with regards to the economic crisis in times when silence spread over the establishment’s fraud of “eternal stability of the system” and “flourishing Greek economy”. Later, with the onset of the crisis, the organization refuted all of the dominant voices that spoke of “fortified and unassailable Greek economy,” but also the swallow perceptions, impregnated with the regime’s propaganda, that were unable to grasp the magnitude of the coming storm.

The Revolutionary Struggle spoke and acted with regards to the Revolution and the revolutionary social organization in times when these issues were buried beneath the mold of fraudulent social welfare. It kept and continues to keep the flame of social Revolution, the flame of freedom, alive. It marked, determined, inspired many people, and shaped and continues to shape consciences.

For all of the aforementioned, it has posed, poses and will pose a serious political threat to the establishment. The Revolutionary Struggle has fought, fights and will fight for all of the aforementioned. For all that, I will continue to fight.

FREEDOM FOR COMRADE NIKOS MAZIOTIS
HONOUR FOREVER TO COMRADE LAMBROS FOUNDAS
LONG LIVE THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION

Pola Roupa
August 8th, 2014.

First Public Letter

You are waiting for the revolution! Very well! My own began along time ago! When you are ready — God, what an endless wait! — it won’t nauseate me to go along the road awhile with you! But when you stop, I will continue on my mad and triumphant march toward the great and sublime conquest of Nothing! Every society you build will have its fringes, and on the fringes of every society, heroic and restless vagabonds will wander, with their wild and virgin thoughts, only able to live by preparing ever new and terrible outbreaks of rebellion!
I shall be among them!

–RENZO NOVATORE, MY ICONOCLAST INDIVIDUALISM

Comrades, it’s been a long time I haven’t communicated nothing public, apart from a few things I wrote on the development of the juridical process against me for attacks to the public peace; this time, I’m not communicating to tell you something about this process or about juridical issues that don’t matter much to me right now and in reality I didn’t care much about to begin with.

This time I’m writing to re-declare myself – again – and position myself about what’s going on in México, in respect to the current repressive attack that the Mexican State is articulating and beginning to unleash, it’s clearly well learned, from its Italian and Chilean buddies; because in the end it is nothing else than a picturesque reproduction of the Marini style set-up or the « caso bombas », but made in Mexico; a set-up that can only be considered as an immediate response of the enemy in front of the pressure exerted by groups and anarchists individualists (N1) and libertarians – night and day, public or covert –, before the dangerousness of such ideas for the social good, and it must not be taken in a mediated sense that would make us victims in front of a system which we decided to fight against, by any means or through any organizing model. A setup with apparent leaders, a hierarchical organizational structure and an organized criminal structure with terrorist objectives in which even a judicial team was tasked to take us out of jail when that would happen; a structure that bears more similarities with any group of narco-traffickers, guerrilla or marxist organization of any ideology (Leninist, Maoist, Marquista, Stalinist, etc..) than the way we anarchists conceive organization; organization of any manner, calling itself public or closed, especially when its labeled as informal.

A set-up where the principal promoters of anarchist action are comrades from other countries that came to Mexico for X motive and following what the bastards from the Attorney General’s office say, that they are the funding source of the struggle; a set-up where they seek not only to harm a specific sector of the anarchist movement but various sectors of local anarchism; a police set-up where the mass media of the State/Capital are playing an important role in constructing. But well, what the State/Capital could do or think in this issue is not my business, first because I don’t think like power, and precisely because I’m not a person of power and authority. My mind cannot think in this authoritarian way and I prefer not wasting time in worrying about how and what the enemy is thinking about, or otherwise wasting time in correcting the image it conceives of us with the objective of lowering the severity of our charges or punishment. Everything said in this letter is addressed to the comrades in the struggle, mainly those who are libertarians and with anarchist affinities.

Well, as it is already known, I was arrested again on January 20th while leaving the magistrate’s court on James Sullivan avenue in Mexico City, where each Monday I had to sign the register following the requirements of the conditional release. While leaving the building, a tall man stopped me, unsure of himself, asked me if I was the right person, and told me that he had to bring me under an order to appear he had against me. I will tell you the complete story later, in a calmer mood, because I find it quite interesting, mainly because of the way those PGR bastards behave.

Finally, while being at the PGR agency in Camarones and after hours of bothering me, interrogating, bluffing and trying to be friendly interrogators, the chief of the Ministerial Federal, a certain comandante Silva, notified me that they had an order against me to appear in front of the Federal Public Ministry as a supposed witness, and a warrant for the crime of manufacturing explosives without a permit, which is a violation of the Law on Firearms and explosives, to be used exclusively by the army. This was an order that was expedited by a federal judge of the sixth district, since November 2013. Moreover, they would take me to the Oriente prison to comply with the order. When my lawyer came – private – they brought me in front of that nun – I would call her witch, but witches have my total respect – that Public Ministry told me that she ordered to bring me because I was a suspect in a federal investigation for terrorism and organized crime, in the juridical case of the comrades of Canada and Carlos Chivo ; she showed us the record and the part in which I’m linked directly with the other suspects, including with the anarchist comrade of insurrectional affinity Carlos “el Chivo”, and it was at that moment when we could see how their set-up is being structured. At the end of the session they took a mobile phone I was carrying, a pair of USB keys and a cable to charge an Mp3 player, a booklet on anarchist tension written by A.M. Bonanno, a booklet from Costantino C. on the Anarchist Project in the Post Industrial era (which is too bad because it was quite beautiful) and the Prison and its world booklet written by Massimo Passamani (I mention it because the Ministerials and the MP showed a lot of excitement about what I was mysteriously carrying in my backpack) and a few unimportant papers. They bothered me a little bit more and then they transferred me to the Oriente prison and brought me in front of the judge. The next day the lawyers of the GASPA arrived and argued that the accusations were not valid, for being founded on evidence that had not been certified because they had been brought in from my other prosecution for attacks against public peace, of which I didn’t have a judgment yet, so the proofs were not valid.

The judge had two options: the first was to free me after 6 days to the request of my lawyer at the end of constitutional term, and the other was giving me a cheap bail – cheap when compared with the other bail I had to pay previously and others that they gave to other comrades -. And when asked by my lawyer on what would I’d like to do, I freely chose to pay the bail, but not to give more money to the State (in reference to criticism that was made when we were detained in the Chilean embassy incident) or because of fear, but because I, freely and without the tips of anyone, took the decision that the moment I put one foot in the street I would runaway. Everything was clearer than ever to me, the harassment and repression against me from the State and the PGR.

Well now, and by my own decision, I decided to validate my judicial rupture (or anarchist-anti-judicialism as it is usually labeled), my negation to continue – and to collaborate – in this judicial circus against me and other comrades, because from the point of view of my individuality, it is the most congruent option with my discourse, ideas and way of conceiving life that I found, which is anarchy. There’s nothing more, now we know that the orders of search and arrest targeting me circulated because I ran away from justice in the trial for: attacks to public peace, the federal crime of manufacture of explosives, and the federal investigation against me for terrorism and organized delinquency, and also outrages to the authority for what happened at the Chilean embassy last year. Dangerous, isn’t it?! Ha ha ! Dangerous are the ideas and the practices!

This is now another phase of the struggle that I decided to enter long time ago, it is a phase which is common in the life of the individual that has decided to take a path of insurrection and permanent conflict – interior and exterior – against power, a phase that can’t be reduced, and that maintains itself in struggle with all means for the destruction of the State/Capital; this other phase that for me doesn’t mean clandestinity (the fact is, I am very critical of the clandestinity position when it’s auto assumed or voluntary as a form of “struggle”) but which is rather a measure imposed by the enemy that delineates and defines new conditions to bring about anarchist struggle.

Taking advantage of space while being brief, I want to make public the harassment the police has been conducting towards me (N2) – like the time when the SSP and the PDI arrested me and let me go in 10 minutes, in a park in Mexico City when we had a public meeting to see how the situation of our jailed comrades was going, or the visits by the PGR where I was supposed to be living but in reality was the home of my sentimental partner, or the constant overt surveillance, or the search of my partner’s house where they broke the fucking fence door, etc. As well as the surveillance and harassment against my partner and her young daughter, and that if something ever happened to them, the culprit would clearly be the State/Capital; And I don’t say this to demand for their institutional protection or to make victims of ourselves, I do it to expose the situation that they are also living. Also, I take advantage of this space, to send a greeting to all of those who, behind my back, said that my comrades and I collaborated with the police so that we could get out of jail, because of the Chilean embassy incident, and even said that me and some comrades were cops… Time and the harvest of the short, medium and long term struggle will exonerate whoever is right. I, we, continue in the struggle… What about you?

That is all for the moment, I say goodbye and send a strong embrace to all! A special hug to my mother, whom I had not the opportunity to say goodbye to and who’s also been harassed like my partner.

One the one hand, there is the existent, the customs and their certainties. And what’s certain is that this social poison is dying. On the other hand is insurrection, the unknown that interrupts everyone’s life. The possible beginning of an exaggerated practice of freedom.

All support jailed anarchist comrades!

A fraternal greeting to Felicity R. Nikos Maziotis, Pola and the little Lambros Victor. Solidarity with anarchist comrades, anti-authoritarians and libertarians on the run! Solidarity and total support to the comrades being investigated in Mexico for a terrorism and organized delinquency case! Solidarity with Amelie, Carlos and Fallon!

We are not defeated and we have no regrets!
I don’t give up, we don’t give up!
Live anarchy!

In struggle against the state,

Mario Antonio López Hernandez. Tripa.
Planet Earth February 3rd, 2014

N1: Here I refer to the ongoing situation, in no instance do I attempt to use that Maoist rhetoric, that the validity of our struggle and actions goes according to the enemy’s response, which is the same than to measure a supposed dangerousness that doesn’t have the same degree of dangerousness than the enemy gives us; in this way limiting anarchist theory and action to the existence of the enemy. The struggle against the State/Capital is a part (an important one) of what we conceive as anarchy. I don’t know how so many come to or have came to make use of that phrase that also appears in the commercial movie on the German RAF.

N2. I relate this to expand the repressive panorama, without desire to make a minimizing comparison of what they have been doing to other comrades, and the general harassment against anarchism in the central Mexico region. This will come to light as with respect to what is happening.

–

Second Public Letter

Briefly, I would like to write with respect to the week of support for incarcerated comrades in Mexico, which is supposed to happen between the 16 and the 24 of March.

First, I’d like to say that it isn’t my intention to sabotage the week in question, not at all. However, since the text made reference to me, mentioned my name, and used a quote from a public letter that I wrote from jail, I would like to establish my position on the matter.

So; the end of this call for solidarity uses a quote from a communiqué that I wrote from prison, and at the end, it’s signed with my name. Not only this, but at first glance, it appears as though (and this could be due to a poor translation into spanish) the text itself or the call for solidarity is signed with my name. This is impossible, for a number of reasons:

First: Because I don’t agree with weeks of solidarity and support for prisoners (at one time I did, but now, I don’t). This isn’t because I don’t agree with solidarity with comrades, because clearly solidarity is a principal of the ideas and practice of anarchy, and solidarity is an individual ethic that is brought into practice in our daily lives. More so because I consider the necessary support and REVOLUTIONARY SOLIDARITY (N1) with imprisoned comrades not to be a separate struggle; similar to how struggle against prisons isn’t a separate struggle but rather is part of the struggle for the destruction of the State/Capital, an inseparable part of the struggle for freedom. So, to create a specific calendar of days that should focus on anti-prison action seems to me to be the same as obeying the revolutionary calendar of every year (the demo on the 2nd of October, the 1st of May…now also the 1st of December, etc.). This practice centers the action on only one day, and takes meaning away from actions that occur daily and that also keep imprisoned comrades in mind.

Second: Because strategically, it doesn’t work if we give the cops advance notice about actions that will occur in the future.

Third: With regards to me personally, I never have nor would call for any week of solidarity, demonstration or action as such; because this individualizes, or rather “personifies” collective actions, distracts attention from the struggle and creates icons, fictitious leaders, and ideological gurus. It’s well known that I’m against acronyms, leaders, vanguard groups, of synthesis or of past organizations (anarchist or non-anarchist) that try to mobilize people. As opposed to this, I am for self-organization and self-management of struggles, autonomy, and informal anarchist organization. I would never collaborate with the judicial circus of power that always individualizes collective revolt, with the goal of finding false leaders (as with the investigations against me for having supposedly called for who knows how many fucking things), and in this way to seek to minimize insurrection, and to center it on a single person or a small group in particular.

Either way, I really appreciate all the support.

Warm greetings.
Long live anarchy!

Mario López Hernández.
16/03/2014

N1: To understand what I am referring to when I say “Revolutionary Solidarity”, I recommend a text by Pierlone Porcu, whose exact title is ‘revolutionary solidarity’.

I want to begin this letter with a huge hug for all the compxs who are on the run, all those who are fighting for their liberty, and all those who are locked up and for whom this world of domination is trying to quell their rage. There is no cell, no wall, no authority to whom I give enough power to quiet my rage and my desire for liberty. I’ve had these feelings since I was a little one and now, in my heart and my head, they are stronger than ever, and there isn’t a day that goes by where I don’t think of you guys, my friends. I can imagine, and they tell me as well, that the situation outside is very precarious. This doesn’t surprise me, as us deciding to be in conflict comes with repression.

It isn’t simple, it isn’t easy, and there are many emotions that are all mixed up, but the specific emotion that we all have in common is our force; individually and collectively. No-one can cage this feeling—neither a prison nor a border. Friends, I am thinking of you all with much love, especially Marc, who is locked up in a prison in Kingston, and I’m thinking of the compxs from the che who were tortured by the comite Cerezo, of the cumbia ballerina, and of Tripa, Amelie and Carlos.

Let’s stay strong, regardless of the distance! I feel a little weird writing a letter without any specific destination, I have the feeling that I’m writing to a galaxy that seems a little bit far away. I want to say one thing: I want to be clear that I am not writing this letter to retain support or to portray myself as the victim. My intention is to use the pen and paper to communicate with friends, and to share analysis. I think that the situation of being imprisoned is a very special opportunity to get away from the ‘fetichisation’ of prison and to make it a reality in a contextual manner. Today, I am writing this letter from Santa Marta, but who knows what is next.

When we were arrested, January 5th 2014, to me, it was a bit of a joke, with the 7 cop cars blocking the street, it felt a bit like a scene from a play, and from this moment onwards, this feeling never left. Everybody has their role. I remember this moment, at 2 or 3 in the morning, when we were transported from the PGJ to the scientific centre for tests. We were three, in 3 different cars, with 2 cops on either side of us, and with a minimum of 10 cop cars with their lights flashing in the deserted streets of DF, and with the scientists who were still almost asleep when we arrived at the Centre. It was such a show; CSI Miami in Mexico.

And the Arraigo Centre, ouf! This was the most theatrical thing I’ve lived through in my whole life. When we got there, the street had been closed off for our arrival. The men with their soap-opera muscles and machine guns were outside in the street, as well as inside the car with us. I couldn’t stop laughing—laughing at their authority that I don’t even have the smallest amount of respect for, laughing at the way they take themselves so seriously. “Ken and Barbie” with federal police uniforms. And the prisoners, who don’t have names but instead have the good luck of having a colour. Mine was orange. The worst was that the girls in my cell were taking on the roles of submission, of fear, and of authority between each other, so seriously, as if they were in an audition for a Hollywood movie.

Sorry to the people who think that I’m making everything seem absurd, but, this is the way it is! A joke, the playing of a role. And here, in Santa Marta, there are many neighbourhoods from A to H, there is a ‘park’, apartments, and neighbours. There is a corner store, sex workers, drugs everywhere; there are people who reproduce the gender roles of ‘girls and boys’, and there are also tons of babies. There is a school, a doctor, a court. There are studies to classify us in Santa Marta, there is corruption, formal and informal power, schedules, and many emotions, many histories, lots of time to share together, rage, and definitely lots of cigarettes and coffee to share.

If it isn’t already clear (here my spanish fails me a bit), but now, Santa Marta is my new city, ‘A’ is my new neighbourhood, 107 is my new apartment, and Amelie, my neighbour. For me, this is clearer than any theory.
And so, I end my letter.

A note: First, I wrote this in spanish* because, it’s sometimes easier. So, I also want to give a big thanks to all those who do the translation, I will try to translate other letters into francais and English. This is the first letter I’ve written in a long time because in the Arraigo centre it was very difficult; pens, like everything else, were prohibited! For me, it was important to write this letter with a touch of humour and sarcasm, not because I want to minimise the impact that prisons can have on people, but to minimise the impact prison can have on me.

What I tried to express, in simple spanish (I hope to one day master it) (I also hope it’s understandable), is that since my imprisonment, the elements that have had the most impact on me have been the game of roles and city-prison, prison-city. I won’t lie to you—it isn’t always easy, we are surrounded by barbed wire, but there is one thing I am certain of and it’s that freedom starts in our heads, regardless of where we find ourselves. In mine right now, there’s a lot of rage, a lot of force, and yes, despite everything, there is more freedom than ever. Thanks to the friends who came to visit! To those who took our collect calls. To those who are organizing, despite the tensions. To those who nurture the fire and who attack this rotten society RAGE AND ANARCHY!! (A) And solidarity with Marc, the compxs from the Che, Tripa, the witch cumbia dancer, Amelie, and Carlos.

Fa Santa Marta, Mexico, March 14, 2014

And Happy March 15! (A)

[FALLON POISSON]

*The letter was originally written in a combination of french and spanish.

To write to Fallon/Amelie:

Centro Feminil de Reinsercion social Santa Martha Acatitla
Amélie Trudeau / Fallon Rouiller
Calzada Ermita Iztapalapa No 4037
Colonia Santa Martha Acatitla
Delagation Iztalpalapa C.P. 09560
MEXICO

========================================

Lettre de Fallon

Je veux commencer cette lettre par un gros câlin pour tou-te-s les camarades en fuite, tout-e-s celles et ceux qui se battent pour leur liberté, et tou-te-s celles et ceux qui sont enfermé-e-s et dont ce monde de domination tente d’étouffer la rage. Il n’y a pas une cellule, un mur, une autorité à qui je donne assez de pouvoir pour faire taire ma rage et mon désir de liberté. Ces sentiments, je les ai depuis que je suis toute petite et maintenant, dans mon cœur et dans ma tête, ils sont plus forts que jamais. Il ne se passe pas un jour sans que je pense à vous, mes ami-e-s. Je peux imaginer, et on me dit aussi, que la situation à l’extérieur est très précaire.

Ça ne me surprend pas, car nous avons choisi d’affronter la répression. Ce n’est pas simple, ce n’est pas facile, il y a plein d’émotions mélangées, mais il y a une émotion en particulier que nous partageons, et c’est notre force, individuelle et collective. Et ce sentiment, rien ne peut le mettre e n cage, ni une prison, ni une frontière. C’est avec beaucoup d’amour que je pense à vous, mes ami-e-s, et spécialement à Marc, qui est enfermé dans une prison de Kingston, aux camarades du Che qui furent torturé-e-s par le comité Cerezo, à la sorcière danseuse de cumbia, à Tripa, à Amélie et à Carlos. N’en soyons que plus fort-e-s, peu importe la distance ! Je me sens un peu bizarre d’écrire une lettre sans destinataire précis, j’ai l’impression d’écrire à une galaxie qui me semble pas mal éloignée.

En disant ceci, je veux être claire sur le fait que je n’écris pas cette lettre pour obtenir du support ou pour me poser en victime. Mon intention est d’utiliser la plume et le papier pour communiquer avec des ami-e-s et aussi pour partager des analyses. Je pense que le fait d’être emprisonné-e est une opportunité très spéciale de laisser tomber la fétichisation de la prison et d’actualiser cette réalité de manière contextuelle. Aujourd’hui, j’écris cette lettre depuis Santa Marta, mais qui sait qui sera le ou la prochain-e ? Quand nous avons été arrêté-e-s, le 5 janvier 2014, pour moi, c’était un peu comme une blague, avec les sept chars de flics qui bloquaient la rue, j’avais l’impression d’être dans une pièce de théâtre, et depuis ce moment-là, la sensation est restée. Tout le monde joue son rôle.

Je me rappelle du moment où, vers deux ou trois heures du matin, on nous transportait du PGJ (Bureau du Procureur Général de la Justice *ndt) au centre scientifique pour des tests. Nous étions trois, dans trois voitures différentes, avec deux flics de chaque côté de nous et un minimum de dix chars de flics qui nous escortaient en faisant aller leurs gyrophares dans les rues désertes du DF, et avec les scientifiques qui dormaient presque quand nous sommes arrivé-e-s au centre. Un vrai show. CSI Miami à Mexico. Ah, et le centre d’Arraigo, ouf! Ce fut la chose la plus théâtrale que j’ai vécue de toute ma vie. Quand nous sommes arrivé-e-s, la rue était fermée pour notre venue. Les hommes avec leurs muscles de télé-romans, et avec leurs mitraillettes étaient dehors, dans la rue, et aussi dans le fourgon avec nous. Je ne pouvais pas m’empêcher de rire – rire de leur autorité pour laquelle je n’ai pas le moindre respect, rire de la manière dont ils se prenaient tellement au sérieux. « Ken et Barbie » en uniformes de police fédérale. Et les prisonnier-e-s, qui n’avaient pas de nom, mais qui avaient la chance d’avoir une couleur. La mienne était orange.

Le pire était que les filles de ma cellule avaient adopté les rôles de la soumission, de la peur et de l’autorité entre elles, si sérieusement, qu’elles donnaient l’impression d’auditionner pour un film hollywoodien. Désolé pour les personnes qui pensent que je tourne tout au ridicule mais, c’est vraiment comme ça ! Une blague, un jeu de rôles. Et maintenant, ici à Santa Marta, il y a plusieurs quartiers allant de A à H, il y a un «parc», des appartements et des voisin-e-s. Il y a un dépanneur, des travailleuses du sexe, des drogues un peu partout. Il y a des gens qui reproduisent les rôles de «filles» et de «garçons», et il y a aussi beaucoup de bébés. Il y a une école, une clinique, un palais de justice.

Il y a des études pour classifier la société de Santa Marta, de la corruption, du pouvoir formel et informel. Il y a des horaires et aussi beaucoup d’émotions, beaucoup d’histoires, beaucoup de temps pour partager des expériences, de la rage, et certainement beaucoup de cigarettes et de café à partager. Eh bien, je ne sais pas si je suis claire (mon espagnol n’est pas parfait) mais maintenant Santa Marta est ma nouvelle ville, «A» est mon nouveau quartier, 107 est mon appartement et Amélie, ma voisine. Pour moi, c’est plus clair que n’importe quelle théorie. Ainsi, je vais terminer cette lettre. Une note: Comme la première, je l’ai écrite en espagnol parce que, déjà, c’est parfois plus facile. Alors, je veux dire un gros merci aux personnes qui feront la traduction, j’essaierai de faire la traduction de mes prochaines lettres en français et in English. Cette lettre est la première que j’écris depuis un bon bout de temps parce qu’au centre d’Arraigo c’était plus difficile, les stylos étaient interdits, comme tout le reste ! Pour moi, c’était important d’écrire cette lettre avec une touche d’humour et de sarcasme, non parce que je veux minimiser l’impact que peut avoir la prison sur les gens, mais bien pour minimiser l’impact que la prison a sur moi.

Comme j’ai essayé de l’exprimer, avec un espagnol simple (j’espère un jour le maîtriser mieux)(j’espère aussi que c’est comprenable), les éléments qui me marquent le plus depuis ma détention sont les jeux de rôles et la ville prison, prison-ville. Je ne vous cache pas que c’est pas toujours facile, que oui on est entourées de barbelés, mais y’a une chose dont je suis sûre c’est que la liberté commence dans notre tête, peu importe où on se trouve. C’est que dans la mienne en ce moment, y’a beaucoup de rage, beaucoup de force et oui, malgré tout, plus de liberté qu’il n’y en a jamais eu. Merci aux ami-e-s qui viennent nous visiter ! À ceux et celles qui prennent nos appels a frais virés. À ceux et celles qui s’organisent, malgré les tensions. À ceux et celles qui continuent à faire naître le feu et à attaquer cette société pourrie.

RAGE ET ANARCHIE ! (A).

Et solidarité avec Marc, les camarades du Che, Tripa, la sorcière danseuse de cumbia, Amélie, et Carlos.
Fa Santa Marta, Mexico, 14 mars 2014.
Et bon 15 mars !! (A)

Pour écrire à Fallon et Amélie :

Amelie Trudeau/Fallon Rouiller Centro Feminil de Reinsercion social
Santa Martha Acatitla Amélie Trudeau / Fallon Rouiller
Calzada Ermita Iztapalapa No 4037
Colonia Santa Martha Acatitla Delagation Iztalpalapa C.P. 09560

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Carta de Fallon

Yo quiero empezar esta carta con un abrazo muy grande para todxs lxs compxs que estan en fuga, todxs lxs que estan luchando por sus libertad y para todxs aquellos que están encerradxs y a quienes este mundo de dominación intenta acallar nuestra rabia. No hay una celda, un muro, una autoridad a quien yo le otorgue bastante poder para acallar mi rabia y mi deseos de libertad. Tengo esos sentimientos desde pequeña y ahora los tengo más fuertes que nunca dentro de mi corazón y mi mente, son más fuertes que nunca y no pasa un día sin que yo piense en ustedes, mis amigxs. Yo puede imaginar, y me dicen también que la situación afuera es muy precaria. No me sorprende que para quienes decidimos estar en conflicto afrontemos la represión. No es simple ni tampoco es fácil, hay muchas emociones que se mezclan pero hay una emoción en particular que tenemos en común: es nuestra fuerza, individual y colectiva. Nadie puede encerrar ese sentimiento, ni las fronteras ni las prisiones. Amigxs pienso en ustedes con mucho amor, especialmente para Marc quien está encerrado en una prisión en Kingston,a los compxs del che que fueron torturados por el grupo Cerezo, a la bailarina de cumbia, a Tripa, a AmeElie y Carlos. ¡Seamos fuertes , no importe la distancia! Me siento un poco rarx de escribir una carta sin destinatario preciso, tengo la impresión de escribir a una galaxia que me parece un tantito lejana. Dicho eso, yo quiero estar clara con el hecho que no estoy escribiendo esta carta para tener un apoyo ni para ponerme en una situación de víctima. Mi intención es utilizar la pluma y el papel para comunicar con amigos y también compartir análisis. Yo creo que el hecho de estar en la cárcel es una oportunidad muy especial para salir de la “fetechizacíon” y de actualizar esta realidad de manera contextual. Hoy estoy escribiendo esta carta desde Santa Marta pero quien sabe quién es la proximo/a. Cuando fuimos arrestadxs, el 5 de enero de 2014 para mí era un poco como una broma, con las 7 coches de policía que estaban bloqueando la calle, me sentía en una escena de teatro y dese ese momento, ese sentimiento de ser parte de un teatro no se quita. Todxs tienen su rol. Me recuerdo ese momento cuando fuimos transportadxs de la PGJ a el centro científico por los exámenes a las 2 o 3 de la mañana. Estábamos los 3 en 3 coches diferentes con dos policías a cada lado de nosotrxs y con un mínimo de 10 coches de policía que nos seguían con “Top Flash” en las calles desiertas del DF y con lxs científicos que casi estaban durmiendo cuando llegamos al centro. Era un puro teatro, un CSI Miami a México. ¡Ah, y al centro de Arraigo, ouf! Eso era la más teatral que yo he vivido en mi vida.

Cuando llegamos, la calle estaba cerrada para nuestro arrivo. Los hombres con sus músculos de telenovela y con las “metralletas” afuera, en la calle y también dentro de la camioneta con nosotrxs. No podía parar de reírme, de su autoridad por cual yo no tengo un minimo de respeto, reírme de la manera y del serio que ellxs piensan que son. “Ken y Barbie” con uniformes de policía federal. Y los presos, que no tienen nombres pero que tienen la suerte de tener un color. El mío es naranja . Lo peor ahpí era que la chicas de mi celda estaban tomando el rol de la sumisión, del miedo, y el rol de la autoridad entre ellas , también de manera seria como si ellas estuvieran audicionando para participar en una película de Hollywood. Pido una disculpas a las personas que piensan que yo convierto tomo todo como una broma pero, asi es! Una broma, un juego de rol. Y ya, aquí en Santa Marta hay varios barrios del A a H, hay “parque”, departamentos, vecinas.

Hay tiendas, trabajadoras sexuales, drogas en cada lado, hay gente que reproducen los roles de “niñas y de niños”, hay muchas bebe también. Hay una escuela, un médica, un jurídico. Hay estudios para clasificarte en la sociedad de Santa Marta, hay corrupción, hay poder formal e informal, hay horarios y hay muchas emociones, muchas historias, mucho tiempo para compartir, experiencias, rabia y cierto muchas cigarrillos y café para compartir. Pues no sé si estoy clara (el español me falta un poco) pero, ya, Santa Marta es mi nuevo ciudad, es mi barrio, el 107 mi departamento y Amelie, mi vecina. Para mí eso, es más claro que cualquier teoría. Así, me voy a terminar con esta carta. Como la primera, yo lo escribo en español porque, ya, a veces es más fácil. Entonces, yo quiero también decir gracias a la gente que hacen la traducción, me voy a intentar de hacer la traducción de las otras cartas en francés e inglés.

Esta carta es en la primera desde un buen tiempo, al centro de Arraigo era muy difícil, las plumas estaban prohibidas, como todo! Para mí es importante escribir esta carta con un toque de humor y sarcasmo, no porque quiera minimizar el impacto que la prisión tiene sobre las personas, ni para minimizar el impacto que la prisión pueda tener sobre mí. Lo que trato de expresar, en español simple (espero un día manejarlo a la perfección) /(espero que también sea entendible), ya que mi encarcelamiento, los elementos que más impacto han tenido sobre mí ha sido el juego de roles en esta prisión-ciudad. No les mentiré – no es siempre fácil, estamos rodeadas por alambres y rejas, pero hay una cosa en la cual estoy segura y es que la libertad empieza en las mentes, independientemente donde nos encontremos. En la mía, ahora hay mucha rabia, mucha fuerza y sí, después de todo, hay más libertad que nunca. Gracias a todxs lxs amigxs que nos visitan! A aquellxs que toman nuestras llamadas por cobrar. Y aquellxs que se están organizando a pesar de las tensiones. Para aquellxs que nutren el fuego y atacan a esta sociedad de mierda RABIA Y ANARKÍA!

Solidaridad con Marc, lxs compas del Che, Tripa, la bruja bailadora de cumbia, Amelie y Carlos.
Fa Santa Marta, México, Marzo 14, 2014
Feliz Marzo 15 (A)!

Escribirles: Centro Feminil de Reinsercion social Santa Martha Acatitla Amélie Trudeau / Fallon Rouiller Calzada Ermita Iztapalapa No 4037 Colonia Santa Martha Acatitla Delagation Iztalpalapa C.P. 09560